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Acemoglu on Africa in "why nations fail" -a commentary thread on his analysis of the political and economic institutions of pre-colonial Africa
Detailed sources and references at bottom of the thread
<for Sources for screenshots and further reading at bottom of the thread>
1/37
Detailed sources and references at bottom of the thread
<for Sources for screenshots and further reading at bottom of the thread>
1/37
2/
His argument is that prosperity of wealthy nations was preceded by political pluralism that started a positive feedback loop of inclusive political institutions, increasing the cost of staying in power while broadening the segments of society where political elites are taken
His argument is that prosperity of wealthy nations was preceded by political pluralism that started a positive feedback loop of inclusive political institutions, increasing the cost of staying in power while broadening the segments of society where political elites are taken
3/
He thus categorizes all pre-modern states' political systems as extractive and those after the glorious revolution in England, the French revolution and their western colonies as inclusive
on pre-colonial Africa, he focuses on Kongo (plus abit on Aksum, Kuba and Ethiopia)
He thus categorizes all pre-modern states' political systems as extractive and those after the glorious revolution in England, the French revolution and their western colonies as inclusive
on pre-colonial Africa, he focuses on Kongo (plus abit on Aksum, Kuba and Ethiopia)
Pgs 58-60
Refuting the theory that cultural deficiencies explain African poverty he instead attributes it to lack of growth incentives in the extractive institutions of African states eg Kongo with its heavy taxation& insecurity of both property & human life due to slavery 4/
Refuting the theory that cultural deficiencies explain African poverty he instead attributes it to lack of growth incentives in the extractive institutions of African states eg Kongo with its heavy taxation& insecurity of both property & human life due to slavery 4/
5/
He was mostly wrong
Kongo was very secure with vibrant markets in several cities of its various provinces and had a large population. its economy was based on cloth, copper and ivory, nzimbu shells and salt
and its revenue was derived mostly from tax on these items
He was mostly wrong
Kongo was very secure with vibrant markets in several cities of its various provinces and had a large population. its economy was based on cloth, copper and ivory, nzimbu shells and salt
and its revenue was derived mostly from tax on these items
6/
slaves in kongo were bought from its peripheries
kongo was infact unique among the coastal African powers that its military wasnt strong enough to procure slaves by force so kongo could only buy them from interior states like makoko using its highly demanded textiles
slaves in kongo were bought from its peripheries
kongo was infact unique among the coastal African powers that its military wasnt strong enough to procure slaves by force so kongo could only buy them from interior states like makoko using its highly demanded textiles
7/
While plows werent adopted, it wasnt b'se of high taxation (most revenue came from copper, shells, textiles trade). and it wasn't ordinary people that'd've adopted them first; elites had large estates where plows could be used
but they weren't perhaps b'se they wouldn’t
While plows werent adopted, it wasnt b'se of high taxation (most revenue came from copper, shells, textiles trade). and it wasn't ordinary people that'd've adopted them first; elites had large estates where plows could be used
but they weren't perhaps b'se they wouldn’t
8/
increase yields significantly (the Portuguese colony of luanda wasn't even food sufficient but was infact importing food from Kongo)
however, the introduction of nativeamerican crops esp maize had a increased yields and was quickly adopted as a result https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0304387818303195
increase yields significantly (the Portuguese colony of luanda wasn't even food sufficient but was infact importing food from Kongo)
however, the introduction of nativeamerican crops esp maize had a increased yields and was quickly adopted as a result https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0304387818303195
The wheeled transport's adoption in Kongo (and africa) was impeded by the tsetse fly barrier where draught animals like horses and oxen were prone to disease and the fact that trade to the interior wasn’t sufficient enough to justify investment in both roads and wagons 9/
10/
but Kongo (& africa) did adopt the wheel in other aspects eg ceremonial carriages, mounting canons, etc
-kongo's province of sonyo fielded 50 canons in its war against the Portuguese army that ended in a humiliating defeat of Portugal in its 200-yr long expulsion from Kongo
but Kongo (& africa) did adopt the wheel in other aspects eg ceremonial carriages, mounting canons, etc
-kongo's province of sonyo fielded 50 canons in its war against the Portuguese army that ended in a humiliating defeat of Portugal in its 200-yr long expulsion from Kongo
11/
Besides, European colonists too realized wheeled transport was more costly both the portuguese in Angola and later British across Africa, Acemoglu dismisses the high roadbuilding costs and cheap porterage arguments by qouting colonial estimates that claimed wheeled transport
Besides, European colonists too realized wheeled transport was more costly both the portuguese in Angola and later British across Africa, Acemoglu dismisses the high roadbuilding costs and cheap porterage arguments by qouting colonial estimates that claimed wheeled transport
12/
is cheaper
even Lugard's false estimates favoring wheeled transport were disproved on ground when his ambitious attempt at introducing carts in colonial nigeria ended in failure - the Niger company had already calculated the costs and realized lugard's wouldn't be feasible
is cheaper
even Lugard's false estimates favoring wheeled transport were disproved on ground when his ambitious attempt at introducing carts in colonial nigeria ended in failure - the Niger company had already calculated the costs and realized lugard's wouldn't be feasible
13/
Pgs 88-91
He describes how kongo's political institutions were extremely extractive: taxes were arbitrary, the king's power was absolute in monopolizing trade, literacy & violence
the king adopted Portuguese muskets to maintain his power that the baKongo suffered as a result
Pgs 88-91
He describes how kongo's political institutions were extremely extractive: taxes were arbitrary, the king's power was absolute in monopolizing trade, literacy & violence
the king adopted Portuguese muskets to maintain his power that the baKongo suffered as a result
14/
He was very wrong on all accounts, kongo's taxes were fairly consistent b'se its entire political structure depended on trade than conquest; a dynamic that rendered the king vulnerable to centrifugal forces and made his redistribution system fragile which ultimately led to
He was very wrong on all accounts, kongo's taxes were fairly consistent b'se its entire political structure depended on trade than conquest; a dynamic that rendered the king vulnerable to centrifugal forces and made his redistribution system fragile which ultimately led to
15/
Kongo's fall, ie: reliance on and exploitation by portuguese traders, decline in nzimbu shells' value, redirection of makoko slaves to sonyo and loango, loss of value in textiles -Kongo faced an onslaught of economic calamities in the early 17th cent. that undermined the its
Kongo's fall, ie: reliance on and exploitation by portuguese traders, decline in nzimbu shells' value, redirection of makoko slaves to sonyo and loango, loss of value in textiles -Kongo faced an onslaught of economic calamities in the early 17th cent. that undermined the its
16/
fiscal position, several provinces broke off further weakening the center hence the introduction of arbitrary taxes, decline of trade at the capital relative to provincial cities eg mbanza sonyo, and accumulation of guns in provinces such that kongo's army was barely stronger
fiscal position, several provinces broke off further weakening the center hence the introduction of arbitrary taxes, decline of trade at the capital relative to provincial cities eg mbanza sonyo, and accumulation of guns in provinces such that kongo's army was barely stronger
17/
than its own provincial armies (sonyo defeated Kongo's army several times)
On literacy, it was fairly widespread b'se of the same reasons that undermined the king's ability to monopolise power, schools were built and books purchased -litetracy became a marker of elite status
than its own provincial armies (sonyo defeated Kongo's army several times)
On literacy, it was fairly widespread b'se of the same reasons that undermined the king's ability to monopolise power, schools were built and books purchased -litetracy became a marker of elite status
18/
lastly, kongo's king was far from absolute; he was elected from a pool of candidates by a number of provincial governors and worked with an appointed council that checked his authority on war and tribute
<a system of powerchecks far from unique in precolonial africa>
lastly, kongo's king was far from absolute; he was elected from a pool of candidates by a number of provincial governors and worked with an appointed council that checked his authority on war and tribute
<a system of powerchecks far from unique in precolonial africa>
19/
Pgs 115-116
Here he states that Africa's centralized states formed late, were short-lived and couldnt take advantage of the new opportunities of European trade, that colonial rule strengthened absolutism leaving modern African institutions in an even more precarious position
Pgs 115-116
Here he states that Africa's centralized states formed late, were short-lived and couldnt take advantage of the new opportunities of European trade, that colonial rule strengthened absolutism leaving modern African institutions in an even more precarious position
20/
In this he's partially right, African polities formed relatively late (save for the early starters <2500BC-100AD> like kerma/kush, d'mt/aksum
the Neolithic era begun relatively late (2000BC for tichitt and kintampo, 1500BC for nok and gajiganna) and only one of these
In this he's partially right, African polities formed relatively late (save for the early starters <2500BC-100AD> like kerma/kush, d'mt/aksum
the Neolithic era begun relatively late (2000BC for tichitt and kintampo, 1500BC for nok and gajiganna) and only one of these
21/
- the tichitt neolithic- directly led to the rise of complex states: jenne-jenno and ghana, to be followed by other states in the last quarter of the first millenium AD (gao, kanem, nri) and for subequatorial africa in the 13th century with mapungubwe and kongo
- the tichitt neolithic- directly led to the rise of complex states: jenne-jenno and ghana, to be followed by other states in the last quarter of the first millenium AD (gao, kanem, nri) and for subequatorial africa in the 13th century with mapungubwe and kongo
22/
As for the slave trade, the example of Benin banning the export of slaves in 1516 and maintaining the ban thought the height of the slave trade shows that African states could curb the excesses of the Atlantic slaving
however, Benin's highly bureaucratic political system
As for the slave trade, the example of Benin banning the export of slaves in 1516 and maintaining the ban thought the height of the slave trade shows that African states could curb the excesses of the Atlantic slaving
however, Benin's highly bureaucratic political system
23/
The Oba's strong central control at Benin city, benin's command economy and Benin's military might resulted in a different course of history from kongo; including the failed establishment of the Portuguese catholic church
The Oba's strong central control at Benin city, benin's command economy and Benin's military might resulted in a different course of history from kongo; including the failed establishment of the Portuguese catholic church
24/ pgs 176-178 he briefly covers Aksum and Ethiopia's history, he favorably compares Aksum to Rome and the Ethiopian gult system of serfdom which he brings in the contact of serfdom as an intermediate stage in the evolution from slave labor to free labor as in post-roman Europe
25/
He's right on aksum-rome comparisons, from coinage to roads to shipping to plow agriculture and the Ezana/Constantine simultaneous conversion
But his argument that gult system of serfdom put Ethiopia on an abolitionist path is wrong ,it didn’t lead to abolitionism, infact
He's right on aksum-rome comparisons, from coinage to roads to shipping to plow agriculture and the Ezana/Constantine simultaneous conversion
But his argument that gult system of serfdom put Ethiopia on an abolitionist path is wrong ,it didn’t lead to abolitionism, infact
26/
while slaves are barely mentioned as aksumite exports, slaves were a predominant medieval ethiopian export, the excesses of slaving were curbed by the ban on selling Christian slaves (ie Abyssinians themselves) but despite this, the economic draw outweighed the moral argument
while slaves are barely mentioned as aksumite exports, slaves were a predominant medieval ethiopian export, the excesses of slaving were curbed by the ban on selling Christian slaves (ie Abyssinians themselves) but despite this, the economic draw outweighed the moral argument
27/
He later repeats the misconception that slavery had by the 1400s been replaced by serfdom in Europe which is far from the truth and perhaps the one of the biggest recurring history negation-isms of European history, European slaves were still being sold in the thousands
He later repeats the misconception that slavery had by the 1400s been replaced by serfdom in Europe which is far from the truth and perhaps the one of the biggest recurring history negation-isms of European history, European slaves were still being sold in the thousands
29/
per year to ottoman markets in the late 19th century, and over 10,000 were sold per decade in Venice during the medieval period most of them were Slavs, Tatars, circassians and caucasians
He later offers a more sober analysis of medieval Ethiopia in pgs 234-238)
per year to ottoman markets in the late 19th century, and over 10,000 were sold per decade in Venice during the medieval period most of them were Slavs, Tatars, circassians and caucasians
He later offers a more sober analysis of medieval Ethiopia in pgs 234-238)
Pgs238-243
He goes over the somalia's lack of a centralized state, how Somali nomads were pluralistic but with no centralization couldn't industrialize
He also repeats Africa's lack of writing mentioning the taqali state in which citizens didn’t write to avoid expropriation 30/
He goes over the somalia's lack of a centralized state, how Somali nomads were pluralistic but with no centralization couldn't industrialize
He also repeats Africa's lack of writing mentioning the taqali state in which citizens didn’t write to avoid expropriation 30/
31/
He's mostly wrong, Somalia did have centralized states, the Somaliland region had several citystates during antiquity (1st millennium BC) and up until the 17th century had massive empires - notably the Adal sultanate that at its height included most of of the Ethiopian empire
He's mostly wrong, Somalia did have centralized states, the Somaliland region had several citystates during antiquity (1st millennium BC) and up until the 17th century had massive empires - notably the Adal sultanate that at its height included most of of the Ethiopian empire
32/
but Adal's fall in the 16th century saw the increasing decentralization of Somalia and the rise of smaller states like Ajuuraan, marjeeteen, geledi and Hobyo who's extent never matched Adal's thus slowing (perhaps even reversing) Somalia's growth
but Adal's fall in the 16th century saw the increasing decentralization of Somalia and the rise of smaller states like Ajuuraan, marjeeteen, geledi and Hobyo who's extent never matched Adal's thus slowing (perhaps even reversing) Somalia's growth
33/
on writing, African historians continue to dispel the misconception that African literary cultures didn’t exist or weren't robust and widespread enough
plus, Africa's scholarship wasn't a royal monopoly, infact in west Africa and the east African coast, writing was dominated
on writing, African historians continue to dispel the misconception that African literary cultures didn’t exist or weren't robust and widespread enough
plus, Africa's scholarship wasn't a royal monopoly, infact in west Africa and the east African coast, writing was dominated
by local scholars unattached to the royal court most notably Timbuktu, Jenne and Begho
this dualism led to the emergence of the clerical village-level educated scholars that founded the states of Sokoto, massina, tukulor etc all led by highly literate elites 34/
this dualism led to the emergence of the clerical village-level educated scholars that founded the states of Sokoto, massina, tukulor etc all led by highly literate elites 34/
35/
Summary of Acemoglu on Africa https://scholar.harvard.edu/jrobinson/files/jr_africanpoverty.pdf
Acemoglu's critique of African precolonial political systems is a welcome attempt but its unfortunately informed by outdated understanding of African history
while better than Jared diamond and miles ahead of Hegel
Summary of Acemoglu on Africa https://scholar.harvard.edu/jrobinson/files/jr_africanpoverty.pdf
Acemoglu's critique of African precolonial political systems is a welcome attempt but its unfortunately informed by outdated understanding of African history
while better than Jared diamond and miles ahead of Hegel
36/
it nevertheless falls victim to the same shortfalls: a simple ignorance or worse -indifference towards an in-depth understanding of African history
Few historians have attempted a general critique of African precolonial political and economic systems b'se up until the 1960
it nevertheless falls victim to the same shortfalls: a simple ignorance or worse -indifference towards an in-depth understanding of African history
Few historians have attempted a general critique of African precolonial political and economic systems b'se up until the 1960
37
the notion of "Africa history" was unthinkable
Fortunately, Michael Gomez's "African dominion" does so but he too is hampered by the fact that few readers know of medieval west African politics forcing him to first give detailed descriptions before offering a critique of them
the notion of "Africa history" was unthinkable
Fortunately, Michael Gomez's "African dominion" does so but he too is hampered by the fact that few readers know of medieval west African politics forcing him to first give detailed descriptions before offering a critique of them
Sources:
<thread 5 and 6>
The Kingdom of Kongo - Anne Hilton
<thread 9>
Wheeled transport in pre-colonial West Africa. Robin law
<thread 10>
-Burial Bundle of a Prominent Man from Loango
-The Missionary Comes Back to Soyo. Circa 1750
both taken from: "The Art of Conversion
<thread 5 and 6>
The Kingdom of Kongo - Anne Hilton
<thread 9>
Wheeled transport in pre-colonial West Africa. Robin law
<thread 10>
-Burial Bundle of a Prominent Man from Loango
-The Missionary Comes Back to Soyo. Circa 1750
both taken from: "The Art of Conversion
Christian Visual Culture in the Kingdom of Kongo ByCécile Fromont
<thread 11>
schreenshot taken from his summary on africa here https://scholar.harvard.edu/jrobinson/files/jr_africanpoverty.pdf
<thread 12>
African Economic History - Volume 20 - Page 150
<threads 15, 16, 17 and 18>
The Kingdom of Kongo - Anne Hilton
<thread 11>
schreenshot taken from his summary on africa here https://scholar.harvard.edu/jrobinson/files/jr_africanpoverty.pdf
<thread 12>
African Economic History - Volume 20 - Page 150
<threads 15, 16, 17 and 18>
The Kingdom of Kongo - Anne Hilton
<thread 22>
A Critique of the Contributions of Old Benin Empire to the
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade
Ebiuwa Aisien (Mrs.)1, Felix O.U. Oriakhi,
http://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol20-issue8/Version-2/B020820412.pdf
<thread 26>
Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800–1935. By Pankhurst Richard
A Critique of the Contributions of Old Benin Empire to the
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade
Ebiuwa Aisien (Mrs.)1, Felix O.U. Oriakhi,
http://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol20-issue8/Version-2/B020820412.pdf
<thread 26>
Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800–1935. By Pankhurst Richard
<thread 27>
-That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker
-Women and Slavery in the Late Ottoman Empire: The Design of Difference by Madeline C. Zilfi
-That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker
-Women and Slavery in the Late Ottoman Empire: The Design of Difference by Madeline C. Zilfi
<thread 33>
The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy by Meikal Mumin
in : The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System
also see @camilefebvre @dimabondarevs @scholarAkassi1 @michaelmumisa etc
plus this article https://uncensoredopinion.co.za/the-history-of-writing-in-sub-saharan-africa-including-the-most-notable-literary-works-written-by-african-authors-about-african-history-from-from-the-2nd-century-bc-to-the-19th-century-ad/
The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy by Meikal Mumin
in : The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System
also see @camilefebvre @dimabondarevs @scholarAkassi1 @michaelmumisa etc
plus this article https://uncensoredopinion.co.za/the-history-of-writing-in-sub-saharan-africa-including-the-most-notable-literary-works-written-by-african-authors-about-african-history-from-from-the-2nd-century-bc-to-the-19th-century-ad/
