As someone who has shouted about the risk and harm of years of derision, conspiracy and underinvestment in the national security workforce--all of which were bipartisan sins--this paragraph alone is an incredible admission. The country and this workforce have been let down. 2/
Seeing this administration begin by recognizing that the engine room of government requires as much--more!--attention than the policy and strategy is an epic win, mic-drop, Loren can shut up now moment (though just a beginning). 3/
But let's look at some of the notable details: the principles of integrity, transparency, DEI, modernization, service, and accountability are well-chosen to address accurate and serious criticism of the natsec community. There is no deep state, but many if its harms are real. 4/
The stated policy of recruiting from diverse communities, better retention, support, and professional development, the need for technical skills and recognition of the need to remove barriers to service--these are both not rocket science and wholly unaddressed for decades. 5/
The working group tasks are a good start. Up front, the national security community needs a far better assessment of its CURRENT talent and its FUTURE talent needs, and a grasp of how its present authorities allow it to acquire that. 6/
The task to harness the innovations of COVID-19 flexibly work, secure remote work, and similar protocols is critical and will be lost without strong leadership. The national security community has made a good start here, but much remains to be done. 7/
Talent MANAGEMENT is a long-time gap within the national security community, also assigned to the working group. The usual solution--cross-agency rotations--has to be met with agencies that values and make best use of those opportunities. Today, they do not. 8/
The provision on security clearance process and its implications for diversity was most striking and satisfying to me. Security clearance POLICY hinders the diversity our workforce needs. PROCESS and CULTURE are biased and even abusive. 9/
Second most thrilling for me was the recognition of the National Commissions' recommendations on veterans preference, which are a long overdue and will do enormous good for the natsec workforce and veterans community.
I have been a loud proponent of the need to take national security professional education seriously--and its role in creating a national security learning culture that addresses skill gaps, acknowledges past failures, and trains to them. The consortium suggested is a good start.
And the survey of hiring authorities is long overdue. Agencies and Congress have been in search of the perfect hiring authority. There isn't one. What is needed is a human capital community and hiring managers that fully understand--and feel comfortable applying-their options.
for a great start of what hiring authorities are available, check out this fantastic @publicservice report https://ourpublicservice.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Rapid_Reinforcements_2.pdf
I'll close with some comments on the need to integrate domestic and foreign policy, which this memo highlights about building a foreign policy for the middle class.
This is a good start, but it's a just a start. Understanding the role of government in global competition is something most national security elites have been very uncomfortable with--the lean toward industrial policy has been a major taboo. This attitude has to end.
Many senior leaders view American power through the lens of of its past military, diplomatic, and economic advantages, or do not yet see the nature of long term competition has innovation, job creation, and technology at its core.
There remains widespread doubt among policy elites that there is more than a token role for government to plan in such a competition. And as a rule, government actors struggle to understand private sector incentives such that they can work toward mutual interests.
But the United States possesses a strong body of authorities for the protection of key technologies and industries and broader economic statecraft that can work toward foreign policy AND economic growth goals, but they are often applied in a disparate and ad hoc manner.
The USG also has a number of incentives and support for technology and innovation promotion, from tax incentives to infrastructure investment to research and development funding to immigration.
But these tools have not been comprehensively applied in pursuit of purposeful growth or protection of specific economic sectors, and are generally not understood through the lens of global competition.
This new presidential memorandum, bringing agencies with little prior tie to national security into the conversation is the beginning of that conversations, as is the letter to new OSTP director on technology, job growth, and competition with China(which has somehow disappeared?)
Ok anyway yes I am very happy today. Fin.
You can follow @LorenRaeDeJ.
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