3/ This divergence has much to do with the different contexts. In the US, the IHRA was used by the Trump administration as part of an anti-Palestinian campaign - e.g. against human rights organisations - while the same administration enabled antisemitic white nationalism.
4/ While in the UK, the debate around antisemitism is still framed by Labour's failures on this issue - and Labour's rowing back on the IHRA in 2018 was one of the key moments of that crisis, the moment in which the definition became a symbol and a litmus test.
5/ Ultimately, however, the definition is the same text on both sides of the ocean. And if the definition is used to stifle debate on Palestine/Israel in the US, there is no reason to assume such attempts will not intensify in the UK.
6/ But if we zoom out, the question is bigger than the IHRA - which is only a tool. The question is how we understand the intersection between Israel/Palestine related discourse and antisemitism. And there, there is no consensus - not in the US and not the UK.
7/ There was a wide Jewish consensus that Labour had a serious problem because it involved so much straightforward antisemitism - conspiracy theories, Holocaust denial, Rothschild references etc. And that realisation cut across positions on Israel/Palestine.
8/ But when we focus on Israel-related discourse, there is no clear consensus. For some, equal rights for Palestinians means antisemitism - while many liberal Jews would disagree. https://twitter.com/YairWallach/status/1352405633807618048?s=20
9/ This debate is not going away anytime soon. The questions on the present and future of Israel/Palestine, and of diaspora-Israel relations, remain fraught, and that, inevitably has implication to how we understand as anti-Jewish racism. /End
You can follow @YairWallach.
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