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This is a great piece by @jaj7d and @EricPatashnik.
Historically, congressional leaders were the most likely to act in defense of their chamber's or institution's power. It's unsurprising even an avid partisan like McConnell supports such a drastic move. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/01/25/mcconnell-wants-impeachment-trial-be-about-congresss-authority-not-about-loyalty-trump/
Historically, congressional leaders were the most likely to act in defense of their chamber's or institution's power. It's unsurprising even an avid partisan like McConnell supports such a drastic move. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/01/25/mcconnell-wants-impeachment-trial-be-about-congresss-authority-not-about-loyalty-trump/
However, support of institutional power suffers some limitations in the current environment.
First, power in Congress is no longer widespread. Centralizations in the House and Senate makes the current institutional context among the most top-down processes in history.
First, power in Congress is no longer widespread. Centralizations in the House and Senate makes the current institutional context among the most top-down processes in history.
Leaders and members who used to experience the fruits of institutional power now experience them rarely, if ever.
Individual members cannot affect policy in the same way. Committee processes and routines were hollowed out. Fewer reauthorizations means less control over agencies
Individual members cannot affect policy in the same way. Committee processes and routines were hollowed out. Fewer reauthorizations means less control over agencies
In short, the features of the legislative process empowering members and chairs have weakened. As a result, their share of institutional power has diminished.
And as we have seen over the last 4 years, members' willingness to defend Congress's power has also diminished.
President Trump violated appropriations law, strained IGs independence, and according to the House and Senate abused his delegated authority on war powers, arm sales, emergency declarations, and more.
Despite that, Congress only mounted insufficient defenses. Vetoes were sustained, not overridden. Some issues were blocked entirely. Congress's power and strength were not a high priority for the 115th or 116th Congresses.
McConnell may find it difficult to rally members behind institutional power when members fail to substantially experience it.
In today's institutional context, it unsurprising congressional power and prerogatives take a backseat to partisan electoral imperatives.
In today's institutional context, it unsurprising congressional power and prerogatives take a backseat to partisan electoral imperatives.
Maybe a direct assault on one branch of government by another branch of government will be the point when partisans rediscover their institutional pride. But I'm not holding my breath.
