Greg raises an imp Q, what can we do now if we are serious about asean centrality?

My takeđź§µ
- the answer has 3 parts: what centrality entails in general, what it entails from US side, and what it entails fr SEA side https://twitter.com/gregpoling/status/1349460450535223299
- from SEA side, there’s plenty of homework if we want to give the “best possible” feedback into US strategy making, as @Julio_Amador3 @ChongJaIan and I debated yesterday 👇🏻

https://twitter.com/chongjaian/status/1349202861498896385?s=21 https://twitter.com/chongjaian/status/1349202861498896385
- IMHO centrality in general is NOT about changing/getting outcomes (like the SCS or Rohingya). Asean centrality is about whether the group drives the process of engagement w/ extra-regional partners (as I argued back in 2016: https://www.thejakartapost.com/amp/seasia/2016/09/06/insight-can-there-be-asean-centrality-without-unity.html)
What that means in practice, at a bare minimum, is that asean would like to simply set the agenda of the meetings and discuss ways extra-regional powers can help that agenda. If extra-regional partners insist on their own agenda, by definition, asean centrality 📉
- so as far what US can do (while waiting SEA states to get their asean act together) is at least 2 sets:

A) improve strat comms. Don’t talk about 🇨🇳, talk about shared short + long term interests. Keep the🇺🇸🇨🇳 agenda to a minimum.
B) recalibrate content of engagement: don’t reinvent the wheel, focus on existing asean agenda and initiatives (fr rcep, connectivity, etc), and ensure that you account seriously for what individual SEA states need rather than what you’d like them to do.
We can debate more specific proposals but these baselines should help the new US admin. Both SEA and US now need a reason to have faith in one another again.
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