House Democrats' rules package for the 117th Congress has some interesting bits and some updates. Text of the resolution here: https://rules.house.gov/sites/democrats.rules.house.gov/files/BILLS-117hresPIH-hres5.pdf, section-by-section here: https://rules.house.gov/sites/democrats.rules.house.gov/files/117-HRes5-SxS.pdf, existing rules (to make sense of it) here: https://rules.house.gov/sites/democrats.rules.house.gov/files/116-House-Rules-Clerk-V2.pdf.

Section 2(g) "requires committees to include in their
oversight plan a discussion of how the committee’s work will address issues of inequities on the
basis of race, color, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, age, or
national origin."

Sec 2(m) looks like a big expansion of committee subpoena powers "to any person or entity, whether governmental, public, or private, within the United States" including current/former POTUS, VP, and any other White House or EOP staff/officials. Witch hunt?

Sec. 2(q) strikes the "comparative print" requirement for legislation that would change current law. 48 states print legislation as the rule would require, but somehow it's just too hard for Congress. Maybe if leaders stopped ramming legislation through...

Sec. 2(r)(2) bars consideration of legislation that hasn't been reported by a committee under a "special rule" from the Committee on (Waiving) the Rules, with some reasonable exceptions. This provision can still be waived, but it's a positive signal.

Sec. 2(s) guts the substance from the motion to (re)commit. This would be fine if the process weren't totally controlled and locked down by the Speaker, but it's the only way the minority can even get a single floor vote on majority legislation.

Sec. 2(u) limits a proposal to change the title of a bill or resolution to the Majority leader or designee. This strips members of even a messaging vote and further consolidates power in majority-party leaders.

Sec. 2(v) strikes a prohibition on budget resolutions with reconciliation instructions that would allow increases in direct spending. In other words, Green New Deal, Medicare for All, and other big spending initiatives would be okay to do on a purely partisan basis.

Sec. 2(y)(2) bars members and staff from disseminating by electronic means "any image, video, or audio file that has been distorted or manipulated with the intent to mislead the public." Vague rules are bad rules, or maybe no rules.

Sec. 3(j) is a non-biding, aspirational statement about broadening access to machine-readable documents including comparative prints. This provision is descended from one proposed by @justinamash in 2012 and that the House adopted in January 2013. Huge progress, but more to do.

Sec. 3(x) creates a way for House members to "cosponsor" Senate-introduced measures. Companion measures are usually how this is done, but there are benefits (some procedural) to this new approach.

Sec. 4(e) re-establishes the Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress. This is great, but it would have been better to expand its mandate to include House organization/operations and to let the Senate join. Oh well, we'll just wait another 730 days.

Sec. 4(g) creates a Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth. Ds will have 9 and Rs will have 6 members, so it's hardly reflective of the partisan balance. Don't expect much bipartisanship (which is too bad).