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1 - An important component of conspiracy theories is how they influence, and are influenced by, the evaluation of potential evidence. Some individuals may be more open minded regarding certain explanations for events whereas others may seek closure and thus
2 - cut off a conspiracy explanation. Two studies examined the relationship between the need for cognitive closure (NFCC), levels of belief in real world conspiracy theories, and the attribution of conspiracy theories to explain events. A first, small (N = 30) and preliminary
3 - study found no relationship between NFCC and beliefs in conspiracy theories, suggesting that both advocates and opponents of conspiracy explanations do not differ on this dimension.
4 - A second study (N = 86) revealed that evidence for and against conspiracy theories had an influence on attributions of the likelihood of a conspiracy to explain a novel event. Specifically, after reading evidence,
5 - individuals with high levels of belief in conspiracy theories tended to rate a conspiracy explanation as more likely whereas those with low levels of belief rated it as less likely. However, when the need for cognitive closure (NFCC) was experimentally lowered the effects of
6 - prior beliefs in conspiracy theories diminished.
Conspiracy theorists often argue that official accounts of events “close off” the possibility of alternative explanations by misinterpreting or ignoring evidence (e.g., Posner, 1993; Pipes, 1997; Pastore, 2004).
Conspiracy theorists often argue that official accounts of events “close off” the possibility of alternative explanations by misinterpreting or ignoring evidence (e.g., Posner, 1993; Pipes, 1997; Pastore, 2004).
7 - In contrast, those who argue against conspiracy theory accounts frequently suggest that such accounts do not bear up to rigorous scrutiny from a scientific or rational perspective (Clarke, 2002). In the present research we explore, for the first time, the relationship between
8 - beliefs in conspiracy theories and the need for cognitive closure (NFCC, Webster and Kruglanski, 1994). We also investigate a related question of how evidence affects the attribution of the likelihood that a conspiracy theory explains a novel event.
9 - The factors that underpin beliefs in conspiracy theories—broadly defined as a set of beliefs that are used to explain how a group of individuals is covertly seeking to influence or cause certain events—constitute fertile ground for psychological study.
10 - Not only are beliefs in conspiracy theories widespread and on the increase (e.g., Goertzel, 1994; Swami et al., 2011), they are also prone to a third person effect whereby we feel others believe in conspiracy theories more than we do (Douglas and Sutton, 2008).
11 - Conspiracy beliefs also have profound importance in a society where conspiracy accounts are implicated in erroneous interpretations of important events (Leman and Cinnirella, 2007), may be associated with mistrust of political and social institutions (Kramer, 1999), and
12 - behavior such as the decision whether to pursue health care (Bird and Bogart, 2003; Tickner et al., 2010) or cooperate with the criminal justice system (Parsons et al., 1999). It is somewhat surprising then, that with some notable exceptions,
13 - (e.g., Graumann and Moscovici, 1987; Swami et al., 2011), comparatively few studies have sought to examine factors and processes that are associated with beliefs in conspiracy theories.
Social psychologists often argue thatbeliefs in conspiracy theories are connected with
Social psychologists often argue thatbeliefs in conspiracy theories are connected with
14- broader social and intergroup conflicts where conspiracy theories are used to justify and maintain conflict or to attribute blame to an unjust social system (Crocker et al., 1999). Other research has sought to explain the appeal of conspiracy theories by focusing on
15 - personality characteristics of conspiracy theorists. Among other factors, a sense of powerlessness and anomie—an inability to affect change and feelings of insignificance within society —
16 - have been found to correlate positively with high levels of beliefs in conspiracy theories (Hamsher et al., 1968; Whitson and Galinsky, 2008; Bruder et al., 2013).
In terms of other aspects of personality, the picture appears more complex.
In terms of other aspects of personality, the picture appears more complex.
17 - McHoskey (1995) found a negative relationship between authoritarian attitudes and endorsements of conspiracy theories (arguing that individuals with authoritarian attitudes are more likely to perceive Government as legitimate and morally inscrutable). Individuals with a high
18 - score on the Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (Altemeyer, 1988) were more dismissive of possible conspiratorial explanations However, in contrast (Abalakina-Paap et al., 1999), found a positive relationship between right-wing authoritarianism and conspiracy beliefs.
19 -Political orientation and beliefs may influence conspiracy beliefs in different ways in different contexts. In this vein, Swami (2012) found a positive relationship between right wing authoritarianism and beliefs in anti-Jewish conspiracy theories, but a negative relationship
20- with general beliefs in conspiracy theories. Individuals may well pick and choose theories that fit with a particular political view or belief system (e.g., Leman, 2007; Wood et al., 2012).
Beliefs in conspiracy theories also have much to do with the ways in which individuals
Beliefs in conspiracy theories also have much to do with the ways in which individuals
21 -Beliefs in conspiracy theories also have much to do with the ways in which individuals interpret and contest the legitimacy of evidence (e.g., Harrison and Thomas, 1997; Leman, 2007). For instance, heuristics such as the linking of a major event with a major cause may account
