There's something subtle floating around much of the collective assumption talk concerning violence against women and children (and we have to start referring to children since they're mostly denied in this), that I can't quite put my finger on. 1/2

It has to do with the contention about murder & domestic violence as predominant crimes within the home by intimate partners. This is a fact but it's consequently siloed off in a very subtle way from how we talk about the interaction of violence with policy on public spaces. 2/3

It's as if 1. this is divorced entirely from the consequences and causes of that violence. DV violence is only one manifestation of male violence from a broad litany, much of which occurs publicly (voyeurism, sexual assault, etc etc). 3/4

2. The impact of this violence has no bearing on the victims and how their subsequent interaction with policy policy & participation in public life. They are all over........ there. And refuges and therpeautic intervention with deal with that along with safety in the home. 4/5

Consequently, we ignore the impact of DV in two related ways: 1. The torment and threat from perpetrators outside the home on victims during & after the violence. 2. The impact on women's ability to participate in public life during and after the violence. 5/6

Both have to do with risk, safety, and the profound and lasting impact of trauma. It is trauma informed evidence & programmes that tell us about the fractures to the sense of self, of safety, of the psychological consequences of violence on the body & mind. 6/7

Women will spend their time while with the perpetrator and a lifetime after the abuse following an instinctive and impulsive psychological regime of risk assessment that will dictate their movements. Refuge & therapeutic support will never combat this entirely. 7/8

Combating male perpetrated violence, and supporting women in the real and lasting sense insofar as that's possible, demands society to share responsibility. Therefore single sex spaces are critical to enable women & their children live & participate in public life. 8/9

Government assess the cost of DV to the state in terms of loss of labour force productivity & welfare dependency. This is a fact. They use elaborate calculations. It is fine to acknowledge living fully requires access to financial security & autonomy. 9/10

That requires recognising the true impact of violence on the ability to participate in public life, and being real about why single sex provisions evolved & how the resources and safety for all is balanced responsibly. Standing against domestic violence means standing for this.