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1. I have had an evolving view of Kejriwal.
My initial response to him was scepticism. This was beacuse of the Jan Lokpal Bill: http://nagarikmancha.org/images/1244-Documents-Jan%20Lokpal%20Bill.pdf
This envisaged the creation of an authority that oversaw all government functioning and answered only to itself.
My initial response to him was scepticism. This was beacuse of the Jan Lokpal Bill: http://nagarikmancha.org/images/1244-Documents-Jan%20Lokpal%20Bill.pdf
This envisaged the creation of an authority that oversaw all government functioning and answered only to itself.
2. Such an authority (the UIDAI is similar) has no place in a democracy, and is closer to the Chinese Communist Party model.
The RSS would love it, with a minor tweak in the composition of its members, it would be an excellent way to control all politics.
The RSS would love it, with a minor tweak in the composition of its members, it would be an excellent way to control all politics.
3. That said, I was positively surprised by the functioning of AAP when it came to power.
Given its lack of big money backers, and its dependence on the votes of the poor, its lack of "politics" forced it to be a voice of the marginalised: https://www.dailyo.in/politics/aap-future-indian-politics-arvind-kejriwal-delhi-aam-aadmi-party-bjp-congress-corruption-urban-areas/story/1/13839.html
Given its lack of big money backers, and its dependence on the votes of the poor, its lack of "politics" forced it to be a voice of the marginalised: https://www.dailyo.in/politics/aap-future-indian-politics-arvind-kejriwal-delhi-aam-aadmi-party-bjp-congress-corruption-urban-areas/story/1/13839.html
4. So what changed?
Kashmir. Shaheen Bagh. Jamia. JNU. The Delhi pogrom.
Kejriwal enthusiastically supported the stripping of autonomy in Kashmir, throwing away the legitimacy to demand federalism that would have strengthened parties like AAP.
Kashmir. Shaheen Bagh. Jamia. JNU. The Delhi pogrom.
Kejriwal enthusiastically supported the stripping of autonomy in Kashmir, throwing away the legitimacy to demand federalism that would have strengthened parties like AAP.
5. In the violence against students in JNU and Jamia, as well as in the Delhi pogrom, Kejriwal kept far away from the fray.
Given that police is under Central control, there was little that could be done administratively, but civil society had less, and did far more.
Given that police is under Central control, there was little that could be done administratively, but civil society had less, and did far more.
6. NGOs like the Gandhi Peace Foundation, whose numbers and capability are nothing in comparison to AAP's in Delhi, did peace outreaches, helped those that had been attacked, provided medical supplies, places to stay, food.
AAP just sat back and let the city burn.
AAP just sat back and let the city burn.
7. It did exactly the same in the case of JNU & Jamia.
Afterward AAP could have tried to identify the perpetrators through its vast network, file cases.
It had already won the elections, you'd think it would those that murdered & rioted to be held responsible.
It chose not to.
Afterward AAP could have tried to identify the perpetrators through its vast network, file cases.
It had already won the elections, you'd think it would those that murdered & rioted to be held responsible.
It chose not to.
8. Most striking has been its almost constant hostility to the Shaheen Bagh protests, during the time, and after.
Much of it has been explained by the desire to win elections, and AAP was significantly threatened by the BJP (even if it does not feel like it now).
Much of it has been explained by the desire to win elections, and AAP was significantly threatened by the BJP (even if it does not feel like it now).
9. But the gaslighting and hostility has continued. AAP feels personally threatened by the Shaheen Bagh protests, and it should.
The protests showed up how shallow and limited Kejriwal's politics were, how irrelevant AAP is to the big questions before India.
The protests showed up how shallow and limited Kejriwal's politics were, how irrelevant AAP is to the big questions before India.
10. Saying that "the pricing of electricity and water will be clean and cheap in a concentration camp when your citizenship and rights have been stripped away" isn't a particularly convincing line of argument (similar issues arise out of caste & gender politics that AAP ignores.)
11. AAP's very strength - its dominance of Delhi's politics - is its weakness.
If it loses here, it has nowhere to go.
To maintain its position it is willing to be the appeaser, "who feeds the crocodile hoping it will be last."
If it loses here, it has nowhere to go.
To maintain its position it is willing to be the appeaser, "who feeds the crocodile hoping it will be last."
12. It could have chosen to broaden its appeal, to create partnerships and coalitions based on federalism and Constitutional values - instead it has done the exact opposite: portraying itself as uniquely moral and willing to sell out every other party.
13. AAP may survive, it may even prosper, in Delhi, but Delhi is not India, and as such, it is little more than a disappointment when there are such big challenges before us.
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